{"id":5007,"date":"2026-09-17T20:29:18","date_gmt":"2026-09-17T20:29:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ashadocs.org\/scales\/radicalism-conservatism-scale\/"},"modified":"2026-09-17T20:29:18","modified_gmt":"2026-09-17T20:29:18","slug":"radicalism-conservatism-scale","status":"publish","type":"psych_scale","link":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/?psych_scale=radicalism-conservatism-scale","title":{"rendered":"Radicalism-Conservatism Scale"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2>Abstract<\/h2>\n<p>The <strong>Radicalism-Conservatism Scale<\/strong> (RCS), developed by psychometrician Andrew L. Comrey and John A. Newmeyer in 1965, represents a seminal psychometric instrument designed to assess sociopolitical ideology along a unified, multidimensional bipolar continuum. Built in an era marked by intense political realignment, the Cold War, and civil rights mobilizations, the RCS operationalized the latent structure underlying ideological self-placement through rigorous factor-analytic methodology. Comprising two parallel 30-item instruments (Form A and Form B), the RCS assesses 13 distinct sociopolitical and moral domains: Religiosity, Pacifism, Welfarism, Anti-unionism, Weak Federal Government (states&#39; rights and free-market capitalism), Moral Censorship, Contraception\/Reproductive Freedom, Racial Tolerance, Severe Treatment of Criminals, Capital Punishment, Service to Country (patriotism and militarism), World Government, and Service to the Individual. Respondents evaluate statements utilizing a 9-point Likert-type response scale ranging from 1 (<em>agree very strongly<\/em>) to 9 (<em>disagree very strongly<\/em>). Extensive psychometric validation demonstrated robust internal consistency across both parallel forms (split-half coefficients and parallel-form correlations routinely exceeding <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = .85\">$r = .85$<\/span>), alongside pronounced convergent validity with political party identification, voting behavior, and related psychometric constructs such as <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Right-wing_authoritarianism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Right-Wing Authoritarianism<\/a> and social dominance attitudes. Factor-analytic extraction consistently isolates a dominant second-order super-factor representing generalized Radicalism versus Conservatism, which accounts for substantial shared variance across divergent attitudinal sub-facets. This article provides a comprehensive psychometric review of the RCS, detailing its theoretical heritage, latent construct architecture, empirical validity, reliability metrics, scoring algorithms, and historical impact within political psychology and survey research methodology.<\/p>\n<h2>Keywords<\/h2>\n<p>Radicalism-Conservatism Scale, Andrew L. Comrey, Political Ideology, Conservatism, Radicalism, Psychometrics, Factor Analysis, Attitude Measurement, Social Psychology, Parallel Forms Reliability<\/p>\n<h2>Authors<\/h2>\n<p>The Radicalism-Conservatism Scale was formulated and standardized by two prominent researchers at the <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/University_of_California,_Los_Angeles\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">University of California, Los Angeles<\/a> (UCLA):<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Andrew L. Comrey, Ph.D.<\/strong>: Professor of Psychology at UCLA, an internationally renowned psychometrician, multivariate statistician, and author of the widely used <em>Comrey Personality Scales<\/em> (CPS). Comrey was a leading pioneer in exploratory factor analysis, developing innovative analytic rotation techniques (such as the tandem criteria) and establishing empirical standards for factoring homogeneous item dimensions.<\/li>\n<li><strong>John A. Newmeyer, Ph.D.<\/strong>: Research psychologist and statistician associated with UCLA&#39;s Department of Psychology during the development of the scale, who later conducted extensive epidemiological, public health, and social psychology research at the Haight-Ashbury Free Medical Clinic in San Francisco, California.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h2>Purpose<\/h2>\n<p>The primary purpose of the Radicalism-Conservatism Scale is to provide an empirically grounded, psychometrically standardized measure of individual differences in socio-political and economic ideology. During the mid-twentieth century, the assessment of ideological attitudes was dominated by instruments that either confounded ideological content with psychopathology\u2014such as the California F-Scale developed by Adorno and colleagues (<a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/The_Authoritarian_Personality\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Authoritarian Personality<\/a>)\u2014or failed to implement rigorous modern factor-analytic controls to guard against item heterogeneity, acquiescence response set, and dimensional instability.<\/p>\n<p>Comrey and Newmeyer designed the RCS to overcome these methodological limitations. Their objective was to ascertain whether heterogeneous socio-political attitudes\u2014ranging from theological beliefs and moral censorship to military foreign policy and welfare state economics\u2014coalesced into a coherent, unitary higher-order dimension of Radicalism-Conservatism, or whether political attitudes operated as orthogonal, independent ideological traits. By crafting two psychometrically parallel forms (Form A and Form B), the authors also intended to furnish researchers with interchangeable batteries suitable for longitudinal investigations, pre-post experimental designs, and split-ballot survey research without introducing item-exposure artifacts.<\/p>\n<p>In applied and research contexts, the RCS has been extensively utilized in political science, organizational behavior, sociology, and social psychology. It enables researchers to:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Quantify the degree of ideological rigidity versus progressive flexibility across diverse demographic, regional, and socioeconomic strata.<\/li>\n<li>Investigate the psychological underpinnings of voting behavior, policy preferences, and legislative decision-making.<\/li>\n<li>Assess the relationship between basic personality traits (such as Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, and Neuroticism) and generalized social attitudes.<\/li>\n<li>Examine the cross-generational transmission and developmental trajectories of sociopolitical attitudes across the adult lifespan.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h2>Psychological Construct<\/h2>\n<p>The central construct measured by the RCS is <strong>Radicalism-Conservatism<\/strong>, conceptualized as a bipolar latent continuum of sociopolitical orientation. In Comrey and Newmeyer&#39;s framework, <em>Conservatism<\/em> reflects a psychological and behavioral disposition toward the preservation of established institutional orders, deference to traditional religious and moral authority, national sovereignty, punitive legal deterrence, and unrestricted free-enterprise capitalism. Conversely, <em>Radicalism<\/em> (operationally equivalent in modern nomenclature to progressive liberalism or left-wing egalitarianism) denotes an openness to fundamental socio-structural transformation, secularism, individual autonomy in private morality, international cooperation, and state-mediated redistributive social welfare.<\/p>\n<p>To capture this broad construct comprehensively, the RCS systematically incorporates 13 operationalized sub-facets across both parallel forms:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Religiosity<\/strong>: Endorsement of orthodox Judeo-Christian theological tenets, the divine authority of scripture, creationism, and the integration of religious dogma into civic education and daily societal governance.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Pacifism<\/strong>: Attitudes toward national disarmament, non-violent foreign engagement, and unilateral non-aggression, contrasted with military deterrence and preemptive warfare.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Welfarism<\/strong>: Support for progressive government intervention aimed at wealth redistribution, economic safety nets, and the fundamental right of all citizens to basic subsistence.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Anti-unionism<\/strong>: Skepticism toward organized labor, highlighting union corruption, coercive strike tactics, and perceived impediments to industrial efficiency and economic productivity.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Weak Federal Government<\/strong>: Advocacy for localism, states&#39; rights, deregulation of private enterprise, and deep resistance to the expansion of centralized administrative governance.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Moral Censorship<\/strong>: The conviction that the state and community authorities must suppress sexually explicit media, penalize non-marital sexual behaviors, and censor literature deemed offensive or subversive to public decency.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Contraception and Reproductive Freedom<\/strong>: Acceptance of reproductive autonomy, accessibility to family planning technologies, and the legalization of elective abortion.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Racial Tolerance<\/strong>: Support for non-discriminatory civil rights, equal employment opportunity mandates, and the societal integration and acceptance of interracial relationships.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Severe Treatment of Criminals<\/strong>: Punitive penological orientations favoring mandatory minimums, extended incarceration (such as habitual offender statutes), and the curtailment of procedural protections for criminal defendants.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Capital Punishment<\/strong>: Endorsement of state-sanctioned execution as a morally appropriate, deterrent, and retributive response to capital felonies.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Service to Country<\/strong>: Uncompromising civic and military patriotism, mandatory conscription, and the prioritization of national honor above individual self-preservation.<\/li>\n<li><strong>World Government<\/strong>: Support for internationalist governance structures, the strengthening of the United Nations, and the voluntary surrender of national sovereignty to secure global stability.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Service to the Individual<\/strong>: A libertarian and humanist valuation of individual civil rights, welfare, and personal liberty over the collective demands and sovereign hegemony of the nation-state.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h2>Theoretical Framework<\/h2>\n<p>The theoretical architecture of the Radicalism-Conservatism Scale is grounded in the pioneering psychometric tradition of attitude measurement established by L. L. Thurstone (1928), Leonard W. Ferguson (1939), and Hans J. Eysenck (1944, 1954). Thurstone&#39;s law of comparative judgment first demonstrated that subjective sociopolitical sentiments could be quantified with mathematical precision along continuous psychological intervals.<\/p>\n<p>Ferguson&#39;s structural analysis of primary social attitudes subsequently isolated three fundamental factors: <em>Religionism<\/em>, <em>Humanitarianism<\/em>, and <em>Nationalism<\/em>. However, it was <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Hans_Eysenck\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hans J. Eysenck<\/a> who formalized the two-dimensional model of sociopolitical ideology, identifying two orthogonal axes: <strong>Radicalism-Conservatism (R-factor)<\/strong> and <strong>Tough-Mindedness versus Tender-Mindedness (T-factor)<\/strong>. Eysenck postulated that the R-factor represents the core content of ideological allegiance\u2014subsuming economic, religious, and political policies\u2014whereas the T-factor captures a stylistic or temperamental dimension governing how rigidly or aggressively those beliefs are held.<\/p>\n<p>Comrey and Newmeyer (1965) synthesized this psychometric lineage while adopting Comrey&#39;s refined <em>Factored Homogeneous Item Dimension<\/em> (FHID) methodology. This methodology posits that complex personality and attitudinal super-factors are constituted by stable, intercorrelated clusters of highly specific behaviors and opinions. Rejecting purely psychoanalytic or pathological conceptualizations of conservatism\u2014such as the dynamic ego-defensive hypotheses advanced in <em>The Authoritarian Personality<\/em>\u2014Comrey and Newmeyer framed political ideology as a normative structure of learned social attitudes. According to their theoretical rationale, when diverse social issues are subjected to factor analysis, cognitive and cultural pressures toward ideological consistency (what Philip Converse later termed ideological &quot;constraint&quot;) cause specific attitudes to coalesce into a powerful, generalized bipolar dimension.<\/p>\n<h2>Validity<\/h2>\n<p>The psychometric validity of the Radicalism-Conservatism Scale has been established through construct, convergent, discriminant, and criterion-related empirical investigations across diverse adult and student cohorts.<\/p>\n<h3>Construct and Factorial Validity<\/h3>\n<p>In their initial standardization sample of 212 subjects, Comrey and Newmeyer demonstrated that the 13 a priori attitude clusters exhibited substantial intercorrelations in hypothesized directions. Religiosity, severe treatment of criminals, capital punishment, moral censorship, service to country, anti-unionism, and weak federal government demonstrated significant positive intercorrelations, forming a cohesive conservative pole. Conversely, welfarism, pacifism, contraception, racial tolerance, world government, and service to the individual loaded consistently on the radical pole. Subsequent confirmatory investigations reported in John P. Robinson and Phillip R. Shaver&#39;s landmark compendium, <em>Measures of Political Attitudes<\/em> (1969), reaffirmed that a generalized, unrotated first principal component or second-order factor accounted for upwards of 40% to 50% of the common variance among the subscales.<\/p>\n<h3>Convergent and Criterion-Related Validity<\/h3>\n<p>The RCS exhibits robust convergent validity when evaluated against external behavioral and demographic criteria:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Political Party Affiliation<\/strong>: Form A and Form B total scores discriminate decisively between registered members of conservative parties (e.g., the Republican Party) and liberal\/radical organizations (e.g., the Democratic Party, socialist student groups), yielding substantial effect sizes (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"t &gt; 8.50, p &lt; .001\">$t &gt; 8.50, p &lt; .001$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Voting Preference<\/strong>: Criterion validity was substantiated by the scale&#39;s capacity to predict electoral choices in presidential and local elections; higher conservative scores strongly correlated with voting for conservative political candidates (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = .62\">$r = .62$<\/span> to <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".74\">$.74$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Convergence with Related Scales<\/strong>: The RCS demonstrates high convergent correlations with alternative measures of political conservatism, such as the Wilson-Patterson Conservatism Scale (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r &gt; .70\">$r &gt; .70$<\/span>) and contemporary measures of <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Right-wing_authoritarianism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)<\/a> (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = .65\">$r = .65$<\/span> to <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".78\">$.78$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3>Discriminant Validity<\/h3>\n<p>The scale demonstrates adequate discriminant validity against measures of general cognitive ability (e.g., Wonderlic Personnel Test, Miller Analogies Test), showing negligible correlations (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = -.08\">$r = -.08$<\/span> to <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".12\">$.12$<\/span>). Furthermore, Comrey and Newmeyer ensured that the parallel forms minimized confounding with acquiescence response set by incorporating systematically reversed items, ensuring that the primary factor reflects substantive attitudinal variance rather than mechanical response styles.<\/p>\n<h2>Reliability<\/h2>\n<p>The Radicalism-Conservatism Scale possesses excellent psychometric reliability across internal consistency, parallel-forms equivalence, and temporal stability metrics.<\/p>\n<h3>Parallel-Form Equivalence<\/h3>\n<p>A central design feature of the RCS is the exact structural alignment between Form A and Form B. When administered concurrently or in immediate succession to standardization samples, the correlation between Form A and Form B total scores ranged from <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = .85\">$r = .85$<\/span> to <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r = .91\">$r = .91$<\/span>, indicating high parallel-form equivalence. This allows researchers to utilize either form interchangeably without compromising measurement calibration.<\/p>\n<h3>Internal Consistency<\/h3>\n<p>Split-half reliability coefficients, corrected via the Spearman-Brown prophecy formula, yielded estimates between <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".87\">$.87$<\/span> and <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".93\">$.93$<\/span> for the total 30-item composite scores across both forms. Individual subscales (which typically consist of two to four items each) demonstrate lower, yet psychometrically acceptable, internal consistency estimates (Cronbach&#39;s <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"\\alpha\">$\\alpha$<\/span> ranging from <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".58\">$.58$<\/span> to <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\".82\">$.82$<\/span>), reflecting the deliberate brevity of each specific sub-facet battery.<\/p>\n<h3>Test-Retest Stability<\/h3>\n<p>In temporal stability evaluations spanning four- to eight-week test-retest intervals, the RCS demonstrated remarkable stability among adult populations, with test-retest reliability coefficients routinely falling between <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r_{tt} = .82\">$r_{tt} = .82$<\/span> and <span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"r_{tt} = .89\">$r_{tt} = .89$<\/span>. These metrics confirm that the RCS measures a stable, enduring sociopolitical orientation rather than transient, situational mood fluctuations.<\/p>\n<h2>Factor Analysis<\/h2>\n<p>The developmental psychometric architecture of the RCS was guided by rigorous factor-analytic extraction. Comrey and Newmeyer (1965) submitted the intercorrelations of the 13 hypothesized attitude sub-areas to an <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Exploratory_factor_analysis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA)<\/a> utilizing principal component extraction followed by orthogonal and oblique analytic rotations (specifically employing Comrey&#39;s tandem criteria and Varimax rotation).<\/p>\n<h3>Primary Factor Loadings<\/h3>\n<p>The initial factor matrix revealed a massive first unrotated factor accounting for a predominant share of total variance. Following rotation, several clear, interpretable primary factors emerged, which directly corresponded to the theoretical dimensions:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Religious and Moral Traditionalism<\/strong>: High positive loadings from Religiosity (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .74\">$lambda = .74$<\/span>), Moral Censorship (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .68\">$lambda = .68$<\/span>), and negative loadings from Contraception\/Abortion (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.61\">$lambda = -.61$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Punitiveness and State Authority<\/strong>: Marked by Severe Treatment of Criminals (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .71\">$lambda = .71$<\/span>), Capital Punishment (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .69\">$lambda = .69$<\/span>), and Service to Country (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .55\">$lambda = .55$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Economic and Welfare Orientation<\/strong>: Dominated by Welfarism (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.72\">$lambda = -.72$<\/span>), Anti-unionism (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .64\">$lambda = .64$<\/span>), and Weak Federal Government (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = .58\">$lambda = .58$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Internationalism and Human Rights<\/strong>: Characterized by World Government (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.66\">$lambda = -.66$<\/span>), Pacifism (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.63\">$lambda = -.63$<\/span>), Racial Tolerance (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.54\">$lambda = -.54$<\/span>), and Service to the Individual (<span class=\"arabpsy-math-inline\" data-latex=\"lambda = -.51\">$lambda = -.51$<\/span>).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3>Second-Order Super-Factor<\/h3>\n<p>When the oblique intercorrelations among these primary factors were factored at the second order, a single, definitive higher-order factor emerged. This second-order latent trait exhibited high loadings from all primary dimensions, demonstrating empirically that individual positions on moral, economic, international, and punitive issues are bound together by an overarching latent axis: <strong>Radicalism-Conservatism<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<h2>Instrument \/ Measurement Tool<\/h2>\n<p>The structural characteristics of the Radicalism-Conservatism Scale are outlined below:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Instrument Type<\/strong>: Standardized self-report sociopolitical attitude inventory.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Forms Available<\/strong>: Two psychometrically parallel forms (Form A and Form B), each containing 30 manifest items.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Administration Format<\/strong>: Individual or group paper-and-pencil or computer-assisted administration.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Target Population<\/strong>: Adolescents (ages 16+) and adults across general, collegiate, and specialized organizational populations.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Administration Time<\/strong>: Approximately 10 to 15 minutes per form.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Response Scale<\/strong>: An authentic 9-point Likert-type agreement continuum:\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">1 = Agree very strongly<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">2 = Agree strongly<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">3 = Agree moderately<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">4 = Agree slightly<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">5 = Neither agree nor disagree (Neutral)<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">6 = Disagree slightly<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">7 = Disagree moderately<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">8 = Disagree strongly<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span class=\"arabpsy-eq\" dir=\"ltr\">9 = Disagree very strongly<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Scoring and Directionality<\/strong>:\n<ul>\n<li>Items marked with an asterisk (*) are reversed-keyed items representing radical\/progressive orientations.<\/li>\n<li>For non-reversed items (indicative of conservative ideology), a response of 1 receives 9 points, 2 receives 8 points, &#8230;, down to 9 receiving 1 point (or retained on raw scale depending on scoring convention). Under standard scoring protocols, higher total composite scores represent greater <strong>Conservatism<\/strong>, while lower scores denote greater <strong>Radicalism<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>For reversed items (*), scoring direction is reversed (e.g., raw score 1 remains 1, indicating radical alignment).<\/li>\n<li>Total scale scores range from 30 to 270 points, with subscale scores calculated by summing the keyed items within each of the 13 defined domains.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h2>Permissions &amp; Fee and Test Year<\/h2>\n<p>The Radicalism-Conservatism Scale was formally published in <strong>1965<\/strong> by Andrew L. Comrey and John A. Newmeyer in <em>The Journal of Social Psychology<\/em>. It was subsequently republished and documented for research dissemination by John P. Robinson and Phillip R. Shaver in 1969 through the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.isr.umich.edu\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Institute for Social Research (ISR)<\/a> at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.<\/p>\n<p>As a historic psychometric instrument developed under academic research sponsorships and documented in open scholarly archives, the RCS resides in the public domain for academic, educational, and non-commercial scientific research. No licensing fees or proprietary royalties are required for its use in empirical investigations. Scholars utilizing the instrument are expected to maintain academic integrity by citing the original 1965 publication and the 1969 ISR compendium.<\/p>\n<h2>References<\/h2>\n<ul>\n<li>Adorno, T. W., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D. J., &amp; Sanford, R. N. (1950). <em>The Authoritarian Personality<\/em>. Harper &amp; Row.<\/li>\n<li>Comrey, A. L., &amp; Newmeyer, J. A. (1965). Measurement of radicalism-conservatism. <em>The Journal of Social Psychology<\/em>, 67(2), 357\u2013369. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/00224545.1965.9922264\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/00224545.1965.9922264<\/a><\/li>\n<li>Eysenck, H. J. (1954). <em>The Psychology of Politics<\/em>. Routledge &amp; Kegan Paul.<\/li>\n<li>Ferguson, L. W. (1939). The primary social attitudes. <em>The Journal of Psychology<\/em>, 8(1), 217\u2013223. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/00223980.1939.9917656\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/00223980.1939.9917656<\/a><\/li>\n<li>Robinson, J. P., &amp; Shaver, P. R. (1969). <em>Measures of Political Attitudes<\/em>. Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.psc.isr.umich.edu\/dis\/infoserv\/isrpub\/pdf\/Measuresofsocialpsychologicalattitudes_2928_.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https:\/\/www.psc.isr.umich.edu\/dis\/infoserv\/isrpub\/pdf\/Measuresofsocialpsychologicalattitudes_2928_.PDF<\/a><\/li>\n<li>Thurstone, L. L. (1928). Attitudes can be measured. <em>American Journal of Sociology<\/em>, 33(4), 529\u2013554. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1086\/214483\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1086\/214483<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h2>Items of the Scale<\/h2>\n<div class=\"wpt-scale-notice\" style=\"direction:ltr; text-align:left; background:#f8fafc; border-bottom:1px solid #e2e8f0; padding:14px 20px; font-size:13.5px; color:#475569; font-weight:500;\">\n  Below are the authentic scale items in their original language as published in the standard psychometric validation studies, without modification or translation to preserve instrument validity and reliability:\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"wpt-scale-items-container\" style=\"direction:ltr; text-align:left; font-family:sans-serif;\">\n<p><strong>Response Scale:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Responses are recorded on a 9-point scale:<br \/>\n  1 (agree very strongly) to 9 (disagree very strongly)<br \/>\n  <em>(* Indicates reversed item)<\/em><\/p>\n<h3>Form A<\/h3>\n<h4>Religiosity<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"1\">\n<li>Every child should have religious instruction.<\/li>\n<li>God exists\u201a in the form in which the Bible describes him.<\/li>\n<li>This country would be better off if religion had a greater influence in daily life.<\/li>\n<li>All people alive today are the descendants of Adam and Eve.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Pacifism<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"5\">\n<li>This country should disarm regardless of whether or not other countries do.*<\/li>\n<li>I f my country had been destroyed\u201a I still would not push the button to wipe out the attacking enemy nation. *<\/li>\n<li>Our country should be engaged constantly in research to develop superior weapons for our national defense.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Welfarism<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"8\">\n<li>The average man today is getting less than his rightful share of our national wealth.*<\/li>\n<li>The government should guarantee every citizen enough to eat.*<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Anti-un\u200eionism<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"10\">\n<li>Many large un\u200eions have officers with criminal records.<\/li>\n<li>Most un\u200eions do not elect officers by honest\u201a secret ballot elections.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Weak Federal Government<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"12\">\n<li>Central government should run only those things which cannot be run effectively at the local level.<\/li>\n<li>The federal government has too much power over citizen s and local government.<\/li>\n<li>Greater decentralization of power would be better for this country.<\/li>\n<li>A greater degree of government control over business would result in a weakening of this country&#8217;s economy.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Moral Censorship<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"16\">\n<li>If a man is showing a sex movie to friends in his own home\u201a the police should stop it.<\/li>\n<li>Every city should prevent the Bale of objectionable books.<\/li>\n<li>Sexual relation s between unmarried people should be illegal.<\/li>\n<li>The police should hunt down homosexuals and put them in jail.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Contraception<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"20\">\n<li>Abortion should be legalized.*<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Racial Tolerance<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"21\">\n<li>Employers should be prevented by law from hiring only people of their own race.*<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Severe Treatment of Criminals<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"22\">\n<li>Criminals convicted of three separate felonies should never be released.<\/li>\n<li>In our country\u201a the sentences handed out to criminals are usually too light.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Capital Punishment<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"24\">\n<li>A mentally ill man who attacks and kills a little girl should be ex\u200eecuted.<\/li>\n<li>A gunman who kill s someone in an armed robbery should receive the death sentence.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Service to Country<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"26\">\n<li>Every able bodied male should willingly serve for a period of time in his country&#8217;s military service.<\/li>\n<li>A man who is ready to die for his country deserves the highest honor.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>World Government<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"28\">\n<li>The United States should work peacefully for a strong world government.<\/li>\n<li>The United States should be willing to surrender some of its rights to strengthen the United Nations<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h4>Service to the Individual<\/h4>\n<ol start=\"30\">\n<li>Laws which benefit the people are more important than laws which strengthen the nation.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A comprehensive psychometric analysis of the Radicalism-Conservatism Scale (RCS) developed by Andrew L. Comrey and John A. Newmeyer (1965), detailing its theoretical framework, 13 sub-dimensions, psychometric reliability, factor structure, and scoring guidelines.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","template":"","categories":[2373,1235,2],"tags":[16649,2378,16651,88,16650,6,16652,16648],"class_list":["post-5007","psych_scale","type-psych_scale","status-publish","hentry","category-attitude-measurement","category-political-psychology","category-psychometrics","tag-andrew-l-comrey","tag-attitude-scale","tag-conservatism","tag-factor-analysis","tag-political-ideology","tag-psychometrics","tag-radicalism","tag-radicalism-conservatism-scale"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/psych_scale\/5007","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/psych_scale"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/psych_scale"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5007"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/psych_scale\/5007\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5007"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5007"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ashadocs.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5007"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}